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Impact of the National Ocean Policy in the United States
Ouředníková, Petra ; Sehnálková, Jana (advisor) ; Hornát, Jan (referee)
This thesis analyzes the newly established U.S. National Ocean Policy. Through a content analysis of all obtained sources concerning the opinions on the policy, the main hypothesis is either confirmed or disproved. It can be assumed that Republicans would oppose this policy from obvious ideological reasons, whilst Democrats would support this policy, because it originated from their administrative and follows their positive approach to environmental issues. The ocean is not only for the United States, but also for the whole world an important source of food and various minerals, affects weather, produces a great amount of oxygen and absorbs noticeable amount of pollutants. Its economic potential for the United States is imperative and the worsening conditions of the ocean ecosystems represent an enormous potential threat to the future economic prosperity of the United States. President Barack Obama reinforced this ocean policy, which should response to the worsening conditions of the ocean, aim focus on the improvements of the ocean management and simultaneously enhance the protection of the ocean ecosystems. This policy began its journey in 2010 and was finished on paper in 2013. Its implementation will take many years, during which this political framework should lead to improvement of the ocean...
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The role of private military companies in UN peacekeeping missions
Sudakovová, Natália ; Hornát, Jan (advisor) ; Weiss, Tomáš (referee)
The aim of the bachelor thesis is to analyze the options of engaging private military companies (PMCs) in the UN peacekeeping mission, and to define specific areas of involvement in which a better outsourcing would help to improve peacekeeping operations. The thesis is focused on the issue of the security privatization, development of the sector and presents particular examples in which PMCs failed. It explains what kind of risks could be possibly connected to deployment of these companies in the conflict zone and what kind of regulation mechanisms exist in order to prevent such a scenarios in the future. The thesis examines also the issue of the transformation of peacekeeping, failures and the concept of robust peace operations that are often militarized. This development questions the basic values on which are peacekeeping missions based and also put the civilian protection into danger. Based on the theoretical examination of both actors, the bachelor thesis analyzes the fields in which PMCs could improve the UN realization of the missions and introduces the possible cons and pros of their involvement.
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American reaction to French withdrawal from NATO military forces
Hampejs, Martin ; Hornát, Jan (advisor) ; Fojtek, Vít (referee)
The bachelor's thesis "American reaction to French withdrawal from NATO military forces" deals with problematic decision of French president Charles de Gaulle from March 1966, when he decided to leave NATO military forces. American president Lyndon B. Johnson and his Secretary of State Dean Rusk were forced to deal with new situation in foreign policy. France was a key member and partner in NATO and the withdrawal might complicate the whole future of Alliance. However crisis might be difficult to deal with, American reaction was kind, tolerant and fully accepting new status quo decided by France. For understanding such a position was necessary to examine historical documents as well as the correspondence between key players. The major part of thesis is based on primary sources, which means the correspondence between State department and particular Embassies. The first part of bachelor's thesis analyses the characters and priorities in foreign policies of presidents on both sides of Atlantic sea, with aim to understand the reasons of French withdrawal as well as the docility of American reaction. The second part is focused on a moment of French withdrawal and presidential communication. The third part studies the preparations in American administrative before the March 1966. It explains tendencies...
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The US-China Rivalry for the African Oil and Its Impacts in Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea and Angola
Krásová, Tereza ; Bečka, Jan (advisor) ; Hornát, Jan (referee)
This bachelor thesis concentrates on the Sino-American oil rivalry in Africa and its impact in Nigeria, Equatorial Guinea and Angola. It focuses on Barack Obama's first presidential term (2009-2013). Even though some of its points are valid throughout the region of Sub-saharan Africa, its main focus lies with the three countries it concentrates on. Nigeria and Angola are the region's biggest oil producers and Equatorial Guinea also has substantiv oil reserves. Strategies of both countries vary, the main goal of this thesis is to evaluate which one is more succesful and what are their impacts. Chinese efforts to ccreate close ties with African countries often causes nervousness in the U.S. but Beijing claims that it only wishes to satisfy its economical interests, much like the United States. The first charter treats the importace of African oil for both countries and the differences between their strategies in acquiring it. The following chapters are case small studies which describe the situation in the respective countries they analyze.
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The Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy of Henry Kissinger and its reflection through the eyes of his critics
Lorenz, Adam ; Sehnálková, Jana (advisor) ; Hornát, Jan (referee)
Henry Kissinger is considered to be one of the most influential diplomats of U.S. history. He proved his uniqueness among other things during peace diplomacy in the Middle East in the administration of Presidents Nixon and Ford. His power extended far beyond the usual competence of the Secretary of State. The work aims to investigate his role in the Arab-Israeli conflict and to identify the relationship to the parties concerned. In contrast are given personal interests of Henry Kissinger, the United States and the individual members of the Middle East conflict. Considerable attention is paid to American foreign policy towards the Soviet Union and the role of participants in the regional conflict in the Cold War strategy of the United States. His memoirs, which represent a comprehensive approach to U.S. Mideast issues in this period compared in the course of the work with the equally important views of both sides of the conflict. Through the comparison with the critical perspectives of key actors of the conflict are analyzed facts for which his Middle East diplomacy emerged. Transcripts of telephone calls, cables, personal interviews and correspondence of Henry Kissinger are also used for the collotion. The work is complemented by personal reflection of the issue on the basis of selected materials.
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Factors shaping reaction of the Obama administration to the events of the Arab Spring in Bahrain
Skupa, Marek ; Anděl, Petr (advisor) ; Hornát, Jan (referee)
Year and half after president Obama in Cairo announced a new beginning of relations between USA and the Middle East, the region was seized by turmoil which posed challenge for American foreign policy. The Obama administration decided to react on a country-by- country basis. In Egypt, they demanded transition to democracy and declared responsibility of the Egyptian government. On the contrary, in Bahrain they only called for dialog and demanded stability instead of democratization. The reason is that Bahrain is vital ally of the US in the Middle East and instability in the country would threaten US interests. Preservation of the current regime in Bahrain is also vital for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Both of these allies urged the US to curtail its criticism of Bahrain. The US had to take attitudes of its allies into consideration, especially because their mutual bilateral relation recently deteriorated. Futhermore, there is also an unclear role of Iran in the whole Bahrain's turmoil and Iran could utilize possible changes in Bahrain. The US influence on Bahrain is on top of that limited by local political situation, which empowers conservative and more antiamerican faction of royal family.
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Liberal Democracy and Chinese Political Culture: American Perspectives and Perceptions
Hornát, Jan ; Bečka, Jan (advisor) ; Calda, Miloš (referee)
In the case of China, a rising great power, the question of adopting a democratic political system is not just a domestic issue, but has much broader implications for China's relations with the outside world, especially the United States. Whether Washington and Beijing continue to cohabitate without major conflict will depend in large part on the specific form of the regime that evolves in China and on the American perception of this regime. The research hypothesis of this paper proposes that in the event of a democratic transition, China will not adopt a liberal democracy, but a variation of democracy that will include meritocratic and communitarian aspects, due to the strong role of Confucian ethics and morals in influencing Chinese political culture. In an extreme case, China's "non-liberal" democracy may be perceived by the United States as a wholly undemocratic regime and hence, the presumed benign effects of democracy on state-to-state relations, such as "democratic peace", will become void. Yet, if China adopts a "non-liberal" democratic government that primarily strives to ensure "good governance" and if the United States is prepared to accept China as a "non-liberal" democracy, mutually beneficial and peaceful relations can be maintained. The first part of the paper focuses on defining the...
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Liberal Democracy and Chinese Political Culture: American Perspectives and Perceptions
Hornát, Jan ; Bečka, Jan (advisor) ; Sehnálková, Jana (referee)
In the case of China, a rising great power, the question of adopting a democratic political system is not just a domestic issue, but has much broader implications for China's relations with the outside world, especially the United States. Whether Washington and Beijing continue to cohabitate without major conflict will depend in large part on the specific form of the regime that evolves in China and on the American perception of this regime. The research hypothesis of this paper proposes that in the event of a democratic transition, China will not adopt a liberal democracy, but a variation of democracy that will include meritocratic and communitarian aspects, due to the strong role of Confucian ethics and morals in influencing Chinese political culture. In an extreme case, China's "non- liberal" democracy may be perceived by the United States as a wholly undemocratic regime and hence, the presumed benign effects of democracy on state-to-state relations, such as "democratic peace", will become void. Yet, if China adopts a "non-liberal" democratic government that primarily strives to ensure "good governance" and if the United States is prepared to accept China as a "non- liberal" democracy, mutually beneficial and peaceful relations can be maintained. The first part of the paper focuses on defining...
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Beijing as a responsible stakeholder: the role of the PRC in the international system of the 21st century according to the USA
Hornát, Jan ; Bečka, Jan (advisor) ; Sehnálková, Jana (referee)
In a speech in 2005 Robert Zoellick called on China to become a "responsible stakeholder" in the international system. This notion soon became an official American concept widely used in US-China relations. Washington urges Beijing to become a responsible country, which sustains and enhances the international system. Zoellick's concept encourages the engagement of China and bilateral cooperation between China and the US/Western world. Beijing accepts the concept as an important part of US-China relations; on the other hand Chinese leaders seem hesitant and cautious regarding certain aspects of Zoellick's idea of "responsible stakeholder". This paper will first define the American concept and compare it with Chinese political concepts; in the second part, it will concentrate on the various examples of the practical application of the concept. A case-study dealing with China's role in the Six Party Talks (where the US considers China to be a "responsible stakeholder") will demonstrate the duplicity of Chinese behavior and show that China in most cases prefers to follow its own "vital" interests rather than acting as a "responsible stakeholder".
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Vyzbrojování Armády České republiky
Čermáková, Kamila ; Faltejsek, Filip ; Hlouchová, Iveta ; Hornát, Jan ; Kulda, Tomáš ; Soural, Aleš
Jak nejefektivněji vyzbrojit armádu České republiky (AČR)? Text zkoumá, zdali je zájmem České republiky více investovat do rozvoje obranného průmyslu a vývoje nových technologií či pořizovat více armádní techniky a výstroje v zahraničí. Finanční situace Ministerstva obrany jej značně omezuje při provádění reforem AČR, které jsou vytyčeny ve strategických dokumentech, například Bezpečnostní strategii ČR z roku 2003.1 V roce 2013 obranný rozpočet klesl až na 42 miliardy Kč.2 Rozpočtová kapitola určená na akvizici nové výstroje a techniky tvořila v roce 2011 pouze 13% z celého rozpočtu ministerstva. 3 AČR je přitom nutné přezbrojit, aby byla schopna se zapojit do zahraničních misí Evropské unie (EU) či Severoatlantické aliance (NATO). Ministerstvo obrany musí zvážit oba tyto aspekty před uskutečněním dalších reformních kroků. Nabízejí se dvě možná řešení. První z nich počítá s investicemi do rozvoje českého obranného průmyslu. Druhé preferuje akvizice armádní techniky a výstroje od zahraničních výrobců. Česká republika má za sebou dlouhou a úspěšnou tradici českého zbrojního průmyslu, která sahá až do dob Rakouska – Uherska. Výroba se rozvíjela i v období obou světových válek a největšího významu dosáhla v období socialismu. Česká republika byla v té době významným exportérem v rámci východního bloku. V roce 1987 dosáhla produkce zbrojního průmyslu 29 miliard Kčs, kdy přibližně 70 % našeho exportu putovalo do Sovětského svazu.4 Po rozpadu Sovětského svazu produkce prudce klesla na 4,6 miliard Kč a v současné době jsou pro rozšíření výroby nutné značné investice. Rozvoj českého průmysl by mohl významně pomoci české ekonomice a především snížit nezaměstnanost. Získat novou techniku a výstroj může AČR i od zahraničních firem, mezi něž patří například Lockhead Martin, Boeing či BAE, jejichž technika byla prověřena i ve válkách v Iráku a Afghánistánu. Nákupy v zahraničí může AČR uskutečňovat skrze veřejné tendry nebo za pomoci agentur pro společné nákupy spadajících pod NATO či EU. Výhodou takových nákupů může být nižší cena a pořízení velmi kvalitních produktů. V minulosti však byly tyto nákupy často provázeny korupčními skandály.
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