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Between theory and practice: The African Peace Facility and the securitization of EU development policy
Siebel, Lea Melody Pauline Ingeborg ; Richard, Anne-Isabelle (advisor) ; Karagiannis, Yannis (referee)
The African Peace Facility (APF), recently replaced by the European Peace Facility, was the EU's primary mechanism to fund African-led peace and security operations. The Facility introduced several changes to EU policy, including a new funding structure: The APF was financed by the European Development Fund, even though the Facility was ineligible as Official Development Assistance. This sparked a debate among policymakers and academic scholars about whether the APF has securitized EU development policy. However, many studies neglect the security-development nexus, which played a central role in the Facility. The thesis analyses securitizing practices which are distinct from the approach suggested by the classic securitization theory (i.e., the speech act). Through an in-depth analysis of primary and secondary sources, this thesis attempts to unpack the extent to which the APF securitized EU development policy. The analysis finds evidence of securitization but also of a developmentization of security policy, demonstrating how the Facility constantly oscillated between security and development and concludes that the APF embodied the securitydevelopment nexus. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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Europeanization of National Foreign Policy: A Case Study on Italy
Muradyan, Arpi ; Góra, Magdalena (advisor) ; Karagiannis, Yannis (referee)
Diplomacy has traditionally been considered as a stately activity privileged to professional diplomats interacting behind closed doors. However, the significant changes in international relations and communication in the 20th century have led to transformations, including in the field of diplomacy, thus resulting in the emergence of New Diplomacy (Cooper, Heine & Thakur 2013). Now diplomacy is not merely about negotiations, but includes various spheres, levels, as well as tools. Another significant change has been the pluralization of actors involved in diplomatic activities. The New Diplomacy has also impacted the ways in which diplomacy is conducted. The rise of new means of communication, namely the internet and the social media, has turned the use of online space into an indispensable part of diplomacy. In the logic of changes in the diplomacy, public diplomacy has undergone significant transformations, now to include a variety of actors, levels, tools and lots of other novel qualities (Melissen, 2005). So far, however, the activities of diasporas as public diplomats, has been overlooked in academic literature. "Both 'diaspora' and 'diplomacy' are concepts that have undergone considerable expansion in recent years, marking a shift away from understanding diaspora as a descriptive category and diplomacy...
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Role Change after Brexit? A Comparative Case Study of the United Kingdom in the 2014 and 2022 Ukraine Crises
Chen, Yufan ; Stepanovic, Vera (advisor) ; Karagiannis, Yannis (referee)
Since British former Prime Minister David Cameron promised to throw a referendum on Britain's EU membership in January 2013, how the United Kingdom (UK) would position itself in the UK-European Union (EU) relations and in world politics has been debated among scholars of International Relations (IR) and commentators. The surprising outcome of Brexit referendum on 23 June 2016 marked an unprecedented event when the country voted to leave the EU by 51.9% to 48.1%. Despite a narrow victory of the Leave side, the result was perceived as the climax of right-wing populist trend (Koller, Kopf, and Miglbauer 2019). After months of negotiations and a couple of changes in leadership, the UK finally concluded a Withdrawal Agreement with the EU on 17 October 2019, followed by a EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement signed on 30 December 2020. Despite the conclusion of bilateral agreements, the two parties did not put forward any future arrangement concerning the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) or the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Such developments seem to suggest a 'hard-Brexit' on the UK-EU foreign policy and defence cooperation. Following this logic, Lehne (2021) put forward three potential changes in the dynamic of the EU foreign policy-making. Firstly, France and Germany may take a bigger...
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EU Cultural Relations with Partner Countries: Case Study of Armenia
Mirakyan, Norayr ; Tomalová, Eliška (advisor) ; Karagiannis, Yannis (referee)
Mirakyan, N. (2021). EU Cultural Relations with Partner Countries: Case Study of Armenia [Master's Thesis]. Supervisor: Mgr. Eliška Tomalová, Ph.D. Charles University. Abstract International cultural relations are a key area in the EU external relations and, thus, have gained salience in recent research. There is a growing body of constructivist literature that recognizes the importance of this area. However, there is still uncertainty in the literature regarding the views and attitudes of the partner countries toward the international cultural relations policy of the EU. In this vein, the current thesis project studies the sources and trajectory of the development of cultural relations between the EU and Armenia are from 2014 to 2020. Furthermore, the suitability of the international relations theory of liberalism is revisited in the light of cultural relations with the partner countries when these countries have concluded politico-economic agreements, and it is namely the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in the case of Armenia. The conceptions of cultural relations are critically analyzed in relation to the theories of international relations in order to develop a normative hypothesis while excluding common conceptual fallacies and unintentional assumptions. The normative...
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The EU in the eyes of the Australian elite 2016-2019: perceptions in the context of Brexit
Baker, Thomas Andrew ; Weiss, Tomáš (advisor) ; Karagiannis, Yannis (referee)
Brexit represents arguably the most dramatic development in the history of the European Union (EU). For a third country such as Australia, the United Kingdom (UK) with whom it shares a Commonwealth connection, has generally been perceived as serving as a bridge between Australia and the EU. Thus, Brexit represents a conundrum for Australia in its grappling of how to approach its relations with the EU into the future. Perceptions of the EU from the Asia- Pacific region have been regularly studied since the early 2000s. However, there has been a shortcoming in specific focus of Australian perceptions of the EU since 2008, and specifically Australian elite perceptions. Brexit presents an opportunity to update the existing body of literature, thus this research analyses how the Australian elite perceive the EU following the UK's departure. This research utilises a two-tiered methodological approach in order to ascertain what the Australian elite perception of the EU is since the Brexit referendum in June 2016. The methods include a critical content analysis of Australian think tank outputs, and semi-structured interviews with Australian elite figures identified as having extensive knowledge of the EU. The research tests the notion of the UK's centrality to Australia-EU relations and finds that there...
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Domestic scrutiny of European Affairs and parliamentary activity in inter- parliamentary conference on Common Foreign and Security Policy/Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP)
Ichqitidze, Ana ; Karagiannis, Yannis (advisor) ; Augusteijn, Joost (referee)
National parliaments in EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) have been reckoned as the neglected institutions for a very long time. After occupying the major field of debates over the democratic deficit throughout the EU, National Parliaments have been granted the unique and quite complex space in EU governance of security and defence policies with later one being full of obscurity. Transcending the formally intergovernmental status of CFSP/ CSDP, National Parliaments through the inter-parliamentary conference ('IPC') displayed supranational and multi-layered parliamentary scrutiny elements. According to this, I suggest that different scrutiny mechanisms and constitutional traditions of parliamentarism in member states, affect the performance of national parliaments across the inter-parliamentary cooperation. Therefore, Paper further develops the idea that parliaments as chief negotiators have predetermined win-sets set by parliamentary scrutiny and they can't have any leeway to manoeuvre as already being constrained domestically, by pre-emptive scrutiny process Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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